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Substance Abuse Treatment
and Domestic Violence


Chapter 3 -- Batterers: An Overview

There are myriad reasons why substance abuse counselors should address the domestic violence of clients who batter their partners. Consensus Panel members have observed that the violent behavior of a batterer client can interfere with his treatment for substance abuse, and conversely, his substance abuse can interfere with interventions aimed at changing his violent behavior (Bennett, 1995). Clients who are incarcerated, for example, or accused of assault or murder have limited access to substance abuse treatment. Practitioners have observed that for those clients in treatment, battering may precipitate relapse and thwart the process of true recovery, which includes "adopting a lifestyle that enhances one's emotional and spiritual health, a goal that cannot be achieved if battering continues" (Zubretsky and Digirolamo, 1996, p. 225).

Use of psychoactive substances, on the other hand, may interfere with a client's capacity to make a safe and sane choice against violence by impairing his ability to accurately "perceive, integrate, and process information" about another's behavior toward him (Bennett, 1995, p. 761). Intoxication appears to increase the likelihood that a batterer may misinterpret or distort a partner's remarks, demeanor, or actions by "blunting whatever cognitive regulators the abuser possesses" (Stosny, 1995, p. 36). While abstinence from drugs and alcohol does not alter battering behavior, substance abuse problems negatively affect a batterer's capacity to change and increase the chance that violence will occur (Tolman and Bennett, 1990; Bennett, 1995).

Both battering and substance abuse result in harm to the client and others. Responding to a client's penchant for violent behavior is as vital as responding to his depression or to the array of other conditions that may impede progress in treatment and interfere with recovery.

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Perspectives on Substance Abuse and The Batterer Client

Although domestic violence occurs in the absence of substance abuse, there is a statistical association between the two problems. Alcohol use has been implicated in more than 50 percent of cases involving violent behavior (Roy, 1982). Research by Kantor and Straus suggested that approximately 40 percent of male batterers were heavy or binge drinkers (Kantor and Straus, 1987). A recent study found that more than half of defendants accused of murdering their spouses had been drinking alcohol at the time (Bureau of Justice, 1994). Another study of incarcerated batterers found that 39 percent reported a history of alcoholism and 22 percent reported a history of other drug addiction. A total of 50 percent self-reported current addiction; however, this figure rose to 89 percent when the researchers examined court documents. All but one of the subjects admitted to having been drunk at the time the battering occurred (Bergman and Brismar, 1994). Higher rates of substance abuse consistently correlate with higher rates of domestic violence, although one important study concluded that "[c]hronic alcohol abuse by the male rather than acute intoxication is a better predictor of battering" (Tolman and Bennett, 1990, p. 91). As one field reviewer noted, however, "Assaultive men, in general, have high alcohol use scores. Indeed the more a man matched the gauge for having an abusive personality, the greater his alcohol consumption. When a batterer says, 'the alcohol made me do it,' he's blaming one symptom -- violence -- on another -- alcohol abuse."

Most Consensus Panelists and field reviewers concur that the exact nature of the correlation between battering and substance abuse remains unclear.

Anger and hostility are more frequently generated by interactions between people, and alcohol or other drug use is likely to be linked to violent behavior through a complicated set of individual, situational, and social factor The prevalence of violence between partners cannot be adequately explained merely as the consequence of alcohol and other drug abuse, nor can it be understood outside the context within which it occurs. (Gorney, 1989, p. 231)

Current research supports the finding that substance abuse is only one of many factors that influence a batterer's violent behavior (Collins and Messerschmidt, 1993). As with substance abuse, other factors are also correlated, such as depression, psychopathology, violence in the family of origin, social norms approving of violence (especially toward women), high levels of marital and relationship conflict, and low income (Tolman and Bennett, 1990; Bennett, 1995; Hotaling and Sugarman, 1986; Hotaling and Sugarman, 1990; Bograd, 1988). Although intoxication may trigger an individual episode of violence, addiction does not predispose one to be a batterer. This distinction is crucial for a provider to understand when treating batterer clients, because a batterer's violence does not necessarily end when he stops abusing alcohol or other drugs.

In characterizing substance abuse and domestic violence, practitioners have observed that the two problems are "separate but similar, and they each interact and exacerbate each other. For example, both problems are passed on from generation to generation; both involve denial, with substance abusers and batterers blaming victims for their behavior; usually, neither problem decreases until a crisis occurs; and secrecy is often the rule, with victims of abuse (wrongly) blaming themselves for their partner's substance abuse or violent behavior" (Engelmann, 1992, p. 6).

Profiling Batterers

In the past, research has focused more on attempts to identify characteristics of victims rather than perpetrators of violence (Hotaling and Sugarman, 1990). While information about batterers is relatively sparse and subject to some debate, it can provide the basis for a rudimentary understanding of their behavior. One caution is in order, however. Exploring batterers' individual characteristics addresses only one dimension of the domestic violence phenomenon. Some experts believe that battering is driven by socially supported sexism and inequitable distributions of power that feed the batterer's belief that he has an inherent right to control his partner's behavior. Others contend that analysis of batterers' characteristics has limited value if attention is not also directed to the larger culture of violence and social injustice in which battering occurs (Adams, 1988; Tolman and Bennett, 1990; Stosny, 1995). Research has clearly asserted the importance of socioeconomic factors in understanding battering: Approval of violence against women, low income, and belief in gender-based stereotypes emerge repeatedly as correlates of domestic violence (Bennett, 1995). As in the case of substance abusers, multiple internal and external risk factors appear to influence problem development among men who batter.

Individual Characteristics

Although batterers are a heterogeneous group, research has uncovered a number of characteristics that differentiate men who batter from men who don't. Many batterers (particularly those who engage in severe physical assaults against their partners) witnessed parental violence when they were children (Hotaling and Sugarman, 1990; Pagelow, 1984). While not replicated, findings from the large-scale National Family Violence Survey that included over 6,000 families suggest that experiencing corporal punishment as an adolescent may be a risk factor for later partner abuse (Straus and Kantor, 1994). As mentioned above, chronic alcohol abuse is another predictor of violence (Tolman and Bennett, 1990), and some studies have found that batterers are more likely to suffer from depression (Hamberger and Hastings, 1986a; Saunders and Hanusa, 1986).

Source: The National Clearinghouse for Alcohol and Drug Information
DHHS Publication No. (SMA) 97-3163

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